The Great Gatsby :: essays research papers

F. Scott Fitzgerald comments on the lighthearted vivacity and the moral deterioration of the period. It possesses countless references to the contemporary period. The aimlessness and shallowness of the guests, the crazy extravagance of Gatsby's parties, and the indication of Gatsby's connection in the bootlegging business all represent the period and the American setting. But as a piece of social critique, The Great Gatsby also describes the defeat of the American dream, and that the American ideals differ with the actual social conditions that exist in society. For the American constitutions stands for the freedom, and equality among people, but the truth of the matter is that social discrimination still exists and the grouping among the classes can never be overcome. Myrtle's attempt to become a "member" of Tom's group is predestined to fail, because he is of the wealthier, more "sophisticated" class. Taking advantage of her animation, her lively nature, she tries to elude the rest of her class. She gets involved in an affair with Tom, and inherits his values, and his way of living. By doing so, she only demoralizes herself, and becomes corrupt like the rich are stereotyped to be. She belittles people from her own class, and loses all sense of honor that she once had. And for all her social desires, Myrtle never does find her place in Tom's "high brow" world of the rich. Fitzgerald portrays Myrtle's condition, obviously, as a minor reflection to Gatsby's more substantial struggle. While Myrtle's ambitions come from her social desires, Gatsby's are linked more to his idealism, his strong belief in life's opportunity. For sure, his desire is influenced by social considerations as well; Daisy, who is beautiful and rich, shows a lifestyle which is distant to Gatsby's and therefore is more attractive to him, because it is so far out of his reach. However, social status is not his premier reason for loving Daisy. It only leads him, and makes him subject to believe in life's great opportunity. Like Myrtle does, Gatsby fights to fit himself into another social group, the one of old money, but his attempt is more significant, because his whole faith in life is rested upon it. Therefore, his failure is much more frightful to him, as any larger dream's failure turns out to be. His whole objective, his confidence in life and himself is completely smashed when he fails to win Daisy's love. His death, when it arrives is nearly meaningless, for, with the defeat of his dream, Gatsby

Coffee and Starbucks Essay

Starbucks began in 1971 when three academics—English teacher Jerry Baldwin, history teacher Zev Siegel, and writer Gordon Bowker—opened a store called Starbucks Coffee, Tea, and Spice in the touristy Pikes Place Market in Seattle. The three partners shared a love of fine coffees and exotic teas and believed they could build a clientele in Seattle much like that which had already emerged in the San Francisco Bay area. Each invested $1,350 and borrowed another $5,000 from a bank to open the Pikes Place store. Baldwin, Siegel, and Bowker chose the name Starbucks in honor of Starbuck, the coffee-loving first mate in Herman Melville’s Moby Dick(so company legend has it), and because they thought the name evoked the romance of the high seas and the seafaring tradition of the early coffee traders. The new company’s logo, designed by an artist friend, was a two-tailed mermaid encircled by the store’s name. The inspiration for the Starbucks enterprise was a Dutch immigrant, Alfred Peet, who had begun importing fine arabica coffees into the United States during the 1950s. Peet viewed coffee as a fine winemaker views grapes, appraising it in terms of country of origin, estates, and harvests. Peet had opened a small store, Peet’s Coffee and Tea, in Berkeley, California, in 1966 and had cultivated a loyal clientele. Peet’s store specialized in importing fine coffees and teas, dark-roasting its own beans the European way to bring out their full flavor, and teaching customers how to grind the beans and make freshly brewed coffee at home. Baldwin, Siegel, and Bowker were well acquainted with Peet’s expertise, having visited his store on numerous occasions and spent many hours listening to Peet expound on quality coffees and the importance of proper bean-roasting techniques. All three were devoted fans of Peet and his dark-roasted coffees, going so far as to order their personal coffee supplies by mail from Peet’s. The Pikes Place store featured modest, hand-built nautical fixtures. One wall was devoted to whole-bean coffees; another had shelves of coffee products. The store did not offer fresh-brewed coffee by the cup, but samples were sometimes available for tasting. Initially, Siegel was the only paid employee. He wore a grocer’s apron, scooped out beans for customers, extolled the virtues of fine, dark-roasted coffees, and functioned as the partnership’s retail expert. The other two partners kept their day jobs but came by at lunch or after work to help out. During the start-up period, Baldwin kept the books and developed a growing knowledge of coffee; Bowker served as the â€Å"magic, mystery, and romance man. â€Å"1 The store was an immediate success, with sales exceeding expectations, partly because of a favorable article in the Seattle Times. In the early months, each of the founders traveled to Berkeley to learn more about coffee roasting from their mentor, Alfred Peet, who urged them to keep deepening their knowledge of coffees and teas. For most of the first year, Starbucks ordered its coffee beans from Peet’s, but then the partners purchased a used roaster from Holland and set up roasting operations in a nearby ramshackle building. Baldwin and Bowker experimented with Alfred Peet’s roasting procedures and came up with their own blends and flavors. A second Starbucks store was opened in 1972. By the early 1980s, the company had four Starbucks stores in the Seattle area and could boast of having been profitable every year since opening its doors. But the roles and responsibilities of the cofounders underwent change. Zev Siegel experienced burnout and left the company to pursue other interests. Jerry Baldwin took over day-to-day management of the company and functioned as chief executive officer; Gordon Bowker remained involved as an owner but devoted most of his time to his advertising and design firm, a weekly newspaper he had founded, and a microbrewery he was launching (the Redhook Ale Brewery). Howard Schultz Enters the Picture In 1981, Howard Schultz, vice president and general manager of U. S. operations for Hammarplast—a Swedish maker of stylish kitchen equipment and housewares—noticed that Starbucks was placing larger orders than Macy’s was for a certain type of drip coffeemaker. Curious to learn what was going on, he decided to pay the company a visit. The morning after his arrival in Seattle, Schultz was escorted to the Pikes Place store by Linda Grossman, the retail merchandising manager for Starbucks. A solo violinist was playing Mozart at the door, with his violin case open for donations. Schultz immediately was taken by the powerful and pleasing aroma of the coffees, the wall displaying coffee beans, and the rows of red, yellow, and black Hammarplast coffeemakers on the shelves. As he talked with the clerk behind the counter, the clerk scooped out some Sumatran coffee beans, ground them, put the grounds in a cone filter, poured hot water over the cone, and shortly handed Schultz a porcelain mug filled with the freshly brewed coffee. After three sips, Schultz was hooked. He began asking the clerk and Grossman questions about the company, about coffees from different parts of the world, and about the different ways of roasting coffee. Next, Schultz met with Jerry Baldwin and Gordon Bowker, whose offices overlooked the company’s coffee-roasting operation. The atmosphere was informal. Baldwin, dressed in a sweater and tie, showed Schultz some new beans that had just come in from Java and suggested they try a sample. Baldwin did the brewing himself, using a glass pot called a French press. Bowker, a slender, bearded man with dark hair and intense brown eyes, appeared at the door and the three men sat down to talk about Starbucks. Schultz was struck by their knowledge of coffee, their commitment to providing high-quality products, and their passion for educating customers about the merits of dark-roasted coffees. Baldwin told Schultz, â€Å"We don’t manage the business to maximize anything other than the quality of the coffee. â€Å"2 Starbucks purchased only the finest arabica coffees and put them through a meticulous dark-roasting process to bring out their full flavors. Baldwin explained that the cheap robusta coffees used in supermarket blends burn when subjected to dark roasting. He also noted that the makers of supermarket blends prefer lighter roasts because they allow higher yields (the longer a coffee is roasted, the more weight it loses). Schultz was struck by the business philosophy of the two partners. It was clear from their discussions that Starbucks stood not just for good coffee, but rather for the dark-roasted flavor profiles that the founders were passionate about. Top-quality, fresh-roasted, whole-bean coffee was the company’s differentiating feature and a bedrock value. It was also clear to Schultz that Starbucks was strongly committed to educating its customers to appreciate the qualities of fine coffees, rather than just kowtowing to mass-market appeal. The company depended mainly on word-of-mouth to get more people into its stores, then relied on the caliber of its product to give patrons a sense of discovery and excitement. It built customer loyalty cup by cup as buyers of its products developed their palates. On his trip back to New York the next day, Howard Schultz could not stop thinking about Starbucks and what it would be like to be a part of the Starbucks enterprise. Schultz recalled, â€Å"There was something magic about it, a passion and authenticity I had never experienced in business. â€Å"3 Living in the Seattle area also had a strong appeal. By the time Schultz landed at Kennedy Airport, he knew he wanted to go to work for Starbucks. Though there was nothing in his background (see Exhibit 2) that prepared him for the experience, Schultz asked Baldwin at the first opportunity whether there was any way he could fit into Starbucks. The two quickly established an easy, comfortable rapport, but it still took a year of numerous meetings and a lot of convincing to get Baldwin, Bowker, and their silent partner from San Francisco to agree to hire Howard Schultz. Schultz pursued a job at Starbucks far more vigorously than Starbucks pursued him. There was some nervousness at Starbucks about bringing in an outsider, especially a high-powered New Yorker, who had not grown up with the values of the company. Nonetheless, Schultz continued to press his ideas about the tremendous potential of expanding the Starbucks enterprise outside Seattle and exposing people all over America to Starbucks coffee—arguing there had to be more than just a few thousand coffee lovers in Seattle who would like the company’s products. Schultz believed that Starbucks had such great promise that he offered to take a salary cut in exchange for a small equity stake in the business. But the owners worried that by offering Schultz a job as head of marketing they would be committing themselves to a new direction for Starbucks. At a spring 1982 meeting with the three owners in San Francisco, Schultz once again presented his vision for opening Starbucks stores across the United States and Canada. He flew back to New York thinking a job offer was in the bag. But the next day Baldwin called Schultz and indicated that the owners had decided against hiring him because geographic expansion was too risky and because they did not share Schultz’s vision for Starbucks. Schultz was despondent; still, he believed so deeply in Starbucks’ potential that he decided to make a last-ditch appeal. He called Baldwin back the next day and made an impassioned, though reasoned, case for why the decision was a mistake. Baldwin agreed to reconsider. The next morning Baldwin called Schultz and told him the job of heading marketing and overseeing the retail stores was his. In September 1982, Howard Schultz took on his new responsibilities at Starbucks. Starbucks and Howard Schultz: The 1982–85 Period In his first few months at Starbucks, Schultz spent most of his waking hours in the four Seattle stores—working behind the counters, tasting different kinds of coffee, talking with customers, getting to know store personnel, and educating himself about the retail aspects of the coffee business. By December, Jerry Baldwin decided that Schultz was ready for the final part of his training—roasting coffee. Schultz spent a week at the roaster examining the color of the beans, listening for the telltale second pop of the beans during the roasting process, learning to taste the subtle differences among Baldwin and Bowker’s various roasts, and familiarizing himself with the roasting techniques for different beans. Meanwhile, he made a point of acclimating himself to the informal dress code, blending in with the culture, and gaining credibility and building trust with colleagues. Making the transition from the high-energy, coat-and-tie style of New York to the more casual ambience of the Pacific Northwest required a conscious effort on Schultz’s part. One day during the busy Christmas season that first year, Schultz made real headway in gaining the acceptance and respect of company personnel at the Pikes Place store. The store was packed and Schultz was behind the counter ringing up sales when someone shouted that a customer had just headed out the door with some stuff—two expensive coffeemakers it turned out, one in each hand. Without thinking, Schultz leaped over the counter and chased the thief up the cobblestone street outside the store, yelling â€Å"Drop that stuff! Drop it! † The thief was startled enough to drop both pieces and run away. Schultz picked up the merchandise and returned to the store, holding up the coffeemakers like trophies. Everyone applauded. When Schultz returned to his office later that afternoon, his staff had strung up a banner that read â€Å"Make my day. â€Å"4 Schultz was overflowing with ideas for the company. Early on, he noticed that first-time customers sometimes felt uneasy in the stores because of their lack of knowledge about fine coffees and because store employees sometimes came across as a little arrogant. Schultz worked with store employees on developing customer-friendly sales skills and produced brochures that made it easy for customers to learn about fine coffees. Schultz’s biggest idea for Starbucks’ future came during the spring of 1983 when the company sent him to Milan, Italy, to attend an international housewares show. While walking from his hotel to the convention center, Schultz spotted an espresso bar and went inside to look around. The cashier beside the door nodded and smiled. The barista (counter worker) greeted Howard cheerfully, then gracefully pulled a shot of espresso for one customer and handcrafted a foamy cappuccino for another, all the while conversing merrily with those standing at the counter. Schultz judged the barista’s performance as â€Å"great theater. † Just down the way on a side street, he entered an even more crowded espresso bar, where the barista, whom he surmised to be the owner, was greeting customers by name; people were laughing and talking in an atmosphere that plainly was comfortable and familiar. In the next few blocks, he saw two more espresso bars. When the trade show concluded for the day, Schultz walked the streets of Milan exploring espresso bars. Some were stylish and upscale; others attracted a blue-collar clientele. What struck Schultz was how popular and vibrant the Italian coffee bars were. Most had few chairs, and it was common for Italian opera to be playing in the background. Energy levels were typically high, and the bars seemed to function as an integral community gathering place. Each one had its own unique character, but they all had a barista who performed with flair and exhibited a camaraderie with the customers. Schultz was particularly struck by the fact that there were 1,500 coffee bars in Milan, a city about the size of Philadelphia, and a total of 200,000 in all of Italy. His mind started churning. Schultz’s first few days in Milan produced a revelation: The Starbucks stores in Seattle completely missed the point. Starbucks, he decided, needed to serve fresh-brewed coffee, espresso, and cappuccino in its stores (in addition to beans and coffee equipment). Going to Starbucks should be an experience, a special treat; the stores should be a place to meet friends and visit. Re-creating the Italian coffee-bar culture in the United States could be Starbucks’ differentiating factor. Schultz remained in Milan for a week, exploring coffee bars and learning as much as he could about the Italian passion for coffee drinks. In one bar, he heard a customer order a caffe latte and decided to try one himself—the barista made a shot of espresso, steamed a frothy pitcher of milk, poured the two together in a cup, and put a dollop of foam on the top. Schultz concluded that it was â€Å"the perfect drink,† and thought to himself, â€Å"No one in America knows about this. I’ve got to take it back with me. â€Å"5 Schultz’s Growing Frustration On Schultz’s return from Italy, he shared his revelation and ideas for modifying the format of Starbucks stores with Baldwin and Bowker. But instead of winning their approval, Schultz encountered strong resistance. Baldwin and Bowker argued that Starbucks was a retailer, not a restaurant or bar. They feared that serving drinks would put them in the beverage business and dilute the integrity of Starbucks’ mission as a coffee store. They pointed out that Starbucks was a profitable small, private company and there was no reason to rock the boat. But a more pressing reason for their resistance emerged shortly—Baldwin and Bowker were excited by an opportunity to purchase Peet’s Coffee and Tea. The acquisition took place in 1984; to fund it, Starbucks had to take on considerable debt, leaving little in the way of financial flexibility to support Schultz’s ideas for entering the beverage part of the coffee business or expanding the number of Starbucks stores. For most of 1984, Starbucks managers were dividing their time between their operations in Seattle and the Peet’s enterprise in San Francisco. Schultz found himself in San Francisco every other week supervising the marketing and operations of the five Peet’s stores. Starbucks employees began to feel neglected and, in one quarter, did not receive their usual bonus due to tight financial conditions. Employee discontent escalated to the point where a union election was called, and the union won by three votes. Baldwin was shocked at the results, concluding that employees no longer trusted him. In the months that followed, he began to spend more of his energy on the Peet’s operation in San Francisco. It took Howard Schultz nearly a year to convince Jerry Baldwin to let him test an espresso bar. After Baldwin relented, Starbucks’ sixth store, which opened in April 1984, became the first one designed to sell beverages and the first one in downtown Seattle. Schultz asked for a 1,500-square-foot space to set up a full-scale Italian-style espresso bar, but Jerry agreed to allocating only 300 square feet in a corner of the new store. There was no pre-opening marketing blitz and no sign announcing Now Serving Espresso—the lack of fanfare was part of a deliberate experiment to see what would happen. By closing time on the first day, some 400 customers had been served, well above the 250-customer average of Starbucks’ best-performing stores. Within two months the store was serving 800 customers per day. The two baristas could not keep up with orders during the early morning hours, resulting in lines outside the door onto the sidewalk. Most of the business was at the espresso counter; sales at the regular retail counter were only adequate. Schultz was elated by the test results; his visits to the store indicated that it was becoming a gathering place and that customers were pleased with the beverages being served. Schultz expected that Baldwin’s doubts about entering the beverage side of the business would be dispelled and that he would gain approval to take Starbucks to a new level. Every day he went into Baldwin’s office to show him the sales figures and customer counts at the new downtown store. But Baldwin was not comfortable with the success of the new store; he believed that espresso drinks were a distraction from the core business of selling fine arabica coffees at retail and rebelled at the thought that people would see Starbucks as a place to get a quick cup of coffee to go. He adamantly told Schultz, â€Å"We’re coffee roasters. I don’t want to be in the restaurant business . . . Besides, we’re too deeply in debt to consider pursuing this idea. â€Å"6 While he didn’t deny that the experiment was succeeding, he didn’t want to go forward with introducing beverages in other Starbucks stores. Schultz’s efforts to persuade Baldwin to change his mind continued to meet strong resistance, although to avoid a total impasse Baldwin finally did agree to let Schultz put espresso machines in the back of two other Starbucks stores. Over the next several months, Schultz—at the age of 33—made up his mind to leave Starbucks and start his own company. His plan was to open espresso bars in high-traffic downtown locations that would emulate the friendly, energetic atmosphere he had encountered in Italian espresso bars. Schultz had become friends with a corporate lawyer, Scott Greenberg, who helped companies raise venture capital and go public. Greenberg told Schultz he believed investors would be interested in providing venture capital for the kind of company Schultz had in mind. Baldwin and Bowker, knowing how frustrated Schultz had become, supported his efforts to go out on his own and agreed to let him stay in his current job and office until definitive plans were in place. Schultz left Starbucks in late 1985. Schultz’s Il Giornale Venture Ironically, as Schultz was finalizing the documents for his new company, Jerry Baldwin announced he would invest $150,000 of Starbucks’ money in Schultz’s coffee-bar enterprise, thus becoming Schultz’s first investor. Baldwin accepted Schultz’s invitation to be a director of the new company, and Gordon Bowker agreed to be a part-time consultant for six months. Bowker urged Schultz to make sure that everything about the new stores—the name, the presentation, the care taken in preparing the coffee—was calculated to lead customers to expect something better than competitors offered. Bowker proposed that the new company be named Il Giornale (pronounced ill jor-nahl-ee ) Coffee Company, a suggestion that Schultz accepted. In December 1985, Bowker and Schultz made a trip to Italy during which they visited some 500 espresso bars in Milan and Verona, observing local habits, taking notes about decor and menus, snapping photographs, and videotaping baristas in action. Greenberg and Schultz then drew up plans to raise an initial $400,000 in seed capital and another $1. 25 million in equity—enough to launch at least eight espresso bars and prove the concept would work in Seattle and elsewhere. The seed capital was raised by the end of January 1986, primarily from Starbucks and two other investors who believed in Schultz and his ideas, but it took Schultz until the end of the year to raise the remaining $1. 25 million. He made presentations to 242 potential investors, 217 of whom said no. Many who heard Schultz’s hour-long presentation saw coffee as a commodity business and thought that Schultz’s espresso-bar concept lacked any basis for sustainable competitive advantage (no patent on dark roast, no advantage in purchasing coffee beans, no way to bar the entry of imitative competitors). Some noted that consumption of coffee had been declining since the mid-1960s, others were skeptical that people would pay $1. 50 or more for a cup of coffee, and still others were turned off by the company’s hard-to-pronounce name. Being rejected by so many potential investors was disheartening (some who listened to Schultz’s presentation ? didn’t even bother to call him back; others refused to take his calls). Nonetheless, Schultz continued to display passion and enthusiasm in making his pitch and never doubted that his plan would work. He ended up raising $1. 65 million from about 30 investors; most of this money came from nine people, five of whom became directors of the new company. One of Howard Schultz’s earliest moves during the start-up process was to hire Dave Olsen, who in 1974 had opened a coffee bar, Cafe Allegro, near the busiest entrance to the University of Washington campus. Olsen was a long-standing Starbucks customer, having discovered the quality of Starbucks’ coffee beans, gotten to know the owners, and worked with them to develop a custom espresso roast for use in his cafe. Olsen’s successful Cafe Allegro had become known for cafe au lait, a concoction equivalent to the Italian caffe latte. When Olsen heard of Schultz’s plans for Il Giornale, he called Schultz and expressed an interest in being part of the new company—he was intrigued by the Italian coffee-bar concept and was looking for a more expansive career opportunity. Olsen not only had coffee expertise but also had spent 10 years in an apron behind the counter at Cafe Allegro. Schultz immediately picked up on the synergy between him and Olsen. His own strengths were in forming and communicating a vision, raising money, finding good store locations, building a brand name, and planning for growth. Olsen understood the nuts and bolts of operating a retail cafe, hiring and training baristas, and making and serving good drinks. Plus, Olsen was fun to work with. Schultz put Olsen in charge of store operations, made him the coffee conscience of the company, and gave him the authority to make sure that Il Giornale served the best coffee and espresso possible. The first Il Giornale store opened in April 1986. It had a mere 700 square feet and was located near the entrance of Seattle’s tallest building. The decor was Italian, the menu contained Italian words, and Italian opera music played in the background. The baristas wore white shirts and bow ties. All service was stand-up—there were no chairs. National and international papers hung from rods on the wall. By closing time on the first day, 300 customers had been served, mostly in the morning hours. Schultz and Olsen worked hard to make sure that all the details were executed perfectly. For the first few weeks, Olsen worked behind the counter during the morning rush. But while the core idea worked well, it soon became apparent that several aspects of Il Giornale’s format weren’t appropriate for Seattle. Some customers objected to the incessant opera music, others wanted a place to sit down, and many didn’t understand the Italian words on the menu. These â€Å"mistakes† were quickly fixed, without compromising the style and elegance of the store. Within six months, Il Giornale was serving more than 1,000 customers a day and regulars had learned how to pronounce the company’s name. Because most customers were in a hurry, it became apparent that speedy service was a competitive advantage. Six months after opening the first store, Il Giornale opened a second store in another downtown building. A third store was opened in Vancouver, British Columbia, in April 1987. Vancouver was chosen to test the transferability of the company’s business concept outside Seattle. To reach his goal of opening 50 stores in five years, Schultz needed to dispel his investors’ doubts about geographic expansion. By mid-1987 sales at the three stores were equal to $1. 5 million annually. Il Giornale Acquires Starbucks In March 1987 Jerry Baldwin and Gordon Bowker decided to sell the whole Starbucks operation in Seattle—the stores, the roasting plant, and the Starbucks name. Bowker wanted to cash out his coffee-business investment to concentrate on his other enterprises; Baldwin, who was tired of commuting between Seattle and San Francisco and wrestling with the troubles created by the two parts of the company, elected to concentrate on the Peet’s operation. As he recalls, â€Å"My wife and I had a 30-second conversation and decided to keep Peet’s. It was the original and it was better. â€Å"7 Schultz knew immediately that he had to buy Starbucks; his board of directors agreed. Schultz and his newly hired finance and accounting manager drew up a set of financial projections for the combined operations and a financing package that included a stock offering to Il Giornale’s original investors and a line of credit with local banks. While a rival plan to acquire Starbucks was put together by another Il Giornale investor, Schultz’s proposal prevailed and within weeks Schultz had raised the $3. 8 million needed to buy Starbucks. The acquisition was completed in August 1987. After the papers were signed, Schultz and Scott Greenberg walked across the street to the first Il Giornale store, ordered themselves espresso drinks, and sat at a table near the window. Greenberg placed the hundred-page business plan that had been used to raise the $3. 8 million between them and lifted his cup in a toast—†We did it,† they said together. 8 The new name of the combined companies was Starbucks Starbucks as a Private Company: 1987–92. The following Monday morning, Schultz returned to the Starbucks offices at the roasting plant, greeted all the familiar faces and accepted their congratulations, then called the staff together for a meeting on the roasting-plant floor. He began: All my life I have wanted to be part of a company and a group of people who share a common vision . . . I’m here today because I love this company. I love what it represents . . . I know you’re concerned . . . I promise you I will not let you down. I promise you I will not leave anyone behind . . . In five years, I want you to look back at this day and say â€Å"I was there when it started. I helped build this company into something great. â€Å"9 Schultz told the group that his vision was for Starbucks to become a national company with values and guiding principles that employees could be proud of. He indicated that he wanted to include people in the decision-making process and that he would be open and honest with them. Schultz said he believed it was essential, not just an intriguing option, for a company to respect its people, to inspire them, and to share the fruits of its success with those who contributed to its long-term value. His aspiration was for Starbucks to become the most respected brand name in coffee and for the company to be admired for its corporate responsibility. In the next few days and weeks, however, Schultz came to see that the unity and morale at Starbucks had deteriorated badly in the 20 months he had been at Il Giornale. Some employees were cynical and felt unappreciated. There was a feeling that prior management had abandoned them and a wariness about what the new regime would bring. Schultz determined that he would have to make it a priority to build a new relationship of mutual respect between employees and management. The new Starbucks had a total of nine stores. The business plan Schultz had presented investors called for the new company to open 125 stores in the next five years—15 the first year, 20 the second, 25 the third, 30 the fourth, and 35 the fifth. Revenues were projected to reach $60 million in 1992. But the company lacked experienced management. Schultz had never led a growth effort of such magnitude and was just learning what the job of CEO was all about, having been the president of a small company for barely two years. Dave Olsen had run a single cafe for 11 years and was just learning to manage a multistore operation. Ron Lawrence, the company’s controller, had worked as a controller for several organizations. Other Starbucks employees had only the experience of managing or being a part of a six-store organization. When Starbucks’ key roaster and coffee buyer resigned, Schultz put Dave Olsen in charge of buying and roasting coffee. Lawrence Maltz, who had 20 years of experience in business and eight years of experience as president of a profitable public beverage company, was hired as executive vice president and charged with heading operations, finance, and human resources. In the next several months, a number of changes were instituted. To symbolize the merging of the two companies and the two cultures, a new logo was created that melded the Starbucks and Il Giornale logos. The Starbucks stores were equipped with espresso machines and remodeled to look more Italian than Old World nautical. The traditional Starbucks brown was replaced by Il Giornale green. The result was a new type of store—a cross between a retail coffee-bean store and an espresso bar/cafe—that became Starbucks’ signature format in the 1990s. By December 1987, employees at Starbucks had begun buying into the changes Schultz was making and trust had begun to build between management and employees. New stores were on the verge of opening in Vancouver and Chicago. One Starbucks store employee, Daryl Moore, who had voted against unionization in 1985, began to question his fellow employees about the need for a union. Over the next few weeks, Moore began a move to decertify the union. He carried a decertification letter around to Starbucks stores and secured the signatures of employees who no longer wished to be represented by the union. After getting a majority of store employees to sign the letter, he presented it to the National Labor Relations Board and the union representing store employees was decertified. Later, in 1992, the union representing Starbucks’ roasting plant and warehouse employees was also decertified. Expansion into Markets Outside the Pacific Northwest Starbucks’ entry into Chicago proved far more troublesome than management anticipated. The first Chicago store opened October 27, 1987, the same day the stock market crashed. Three more stores were opened in Chicago over the next six months, but customer counts were substantially below expectations—Chicagoans didn’t take to dark-roasted coffee as fast as Schultz had anticipated. At the first downtown store, for example, which opened onto the street rather than into the lobby of the building where it was located, customers were hesitant to go out in the wind and cold to get a cup of coffee in the winter months. Store margins were squeezed for a number of reasons: It was expensive to supply fresh coffee to the Chicago stores out of the Seattle warehouse, and both rents and wage rates were higher in Chicago than in Seattle. Gradually, customer counts improved, but Starbucks lost money on its Chicago stores until 1990, when prices were raised to reflect higher rents and labor costs, more experienced store manag.

Willow Oak, a Top 100 Common Tree in North America

Demora de petición de ciudadano para sus padres

El tiempo de demora en la tramitacià ³n de esta solicitud puede variar desde apenas 6 meses, para los casos en los que no hay problemas migratorios,  a mà ¡s de 10 aà ±os. Incluso a veces es imposible. Solamente los  ciudadanos americanos mayores de 21 aà ±os  pueden pedir la tarjeta de residencia permanente, tambià ©n conocida como green card para su padre y para su madre.   En este artà ­culo se explican las siguientes situaciones, que son las que dan lugar a estas cuatro  diferencias en el tiempo de tramitacià ³n: Padre o madre en Estados Unidos y que puede ajustar su estatusprogenitor en USA pero no puede ajustar estatuspadres fuera del paà ­s sin problemas de inadmisibilidad y padres en otro paà ­s con castigo pendiente. Tambià ©n se explica dà ³nde buscar la à ºltima informacià ³n sobre demoras en la pà ¡gina oficial del Servicio de Inmigracià ³n y situaciones especiales como cuà ¡ndo un ciudadano jamà ¡s puede pedir a sus padres. Demora de peticià ³n de padre o madre en EEUU y que pueden ajustar su estatus En este caso, se envà ­a la peticià ³n que se realiza mediante la presentacià ³n del formulario I-130 con toda la documentacià ³n adicional. Al mismo tiempo, la I-485, para el ajuste de estatus. USCIS confirma que ha recibido los papeles del I-130 y el cobro de la tarifa mediante el envà ­o de la carta de aviso conocida como NOA1. En esa carta tambià ©n aparece el nà ºmero de caso. Cuando se solicita el ajuste de estatus se puede presentar tambià ©n la peticià ³n de permiso de trabajo y de advance parole que permite viajar fuera del paà ­s, si asà ­ se desea. Es fundamental que una vez que se  inician los trà ¡mites  no se salga de Estados Unidos sin ese permiso para viajar. Los tiempos de tramitacià ³n van a ser dos: primero el de aprobacià ³n del I-130, que es la peticià ³n, que va a depender del lugar de tramitacià ³n.y una vez que se obtiene el OK, se va a proceder  con la solicitud de ajuste de estatus. Es fundamental saber si se puede ajustar el estatus o no. Ahà ­ està ¡ la gran diferencia. Si se puede se està ¡ ante uno de los tipos de peticià ³n de green card mà ¡s rà ¡pidos. Si no se puede, es una pesadilla que puede demorarse aà ±os o, incluso, en la prà ¡ctica resultar imposible porque obliga a la separacià ³n de familias por muchos aà ±os. Antes de enviar los papeles asesorarse con un buen abogado. Demora de peticià ³n de padres en EEUU y que no pueden ajustar estatus Y es que si el papà ¡ o la mamà ¡ para el que se piden los papeles està ¡ ilegalmente en el paà ­s y llegà ³ cruzando ilegalmente la frontera, hay un problema grave ya que no se puede ajustar el estatus. En estos casos aunque se apruebe el I-130 se va a tener que salir del paà ­s para acabar el trà ¡mite. Esto incluye ir a una entrevista en una embajada o consulado de los Estados Unidos en otro paà ­s y aquà ­ va a surgir un problema por la presencia ilegal al aplicarse el castigo de los 3 y de los 10 aà ±os.   Una vez que se sale de Estados Unidos y se tiene que cumplir ese castigo, en algunos casos se podrà ¡ pedir con à ©xito un perdà ³n. Lo que sà ­ es importante es entender que si se cruza de nuevo ilegalmente la frontera hacia Estados Unidos se va a tener el castigo de la prohibicià ³n permanente. Por lo tanto, si se està ¡ en uno de esos casos, antes de iniciar el proceso entender bien quà © puede ir mal, en particular, verificar si serà ­a posible pedir un perdà ³n provisional por presencia ilegal   en casos de dureza extrema y que se otorga antes de salir de Estados Unidos. Otra solucià ³n, en el caso de  los familiares indocumentados de ciudadanos americanos que sirven en el  Ejà ©rcito,  Guardia Nacional, Reserva o Veteranos, serà ­a verificar si se puede solicitar un  Parole in Place. Si la mamà ¡ o el papà ¡ està ¡n fuera de USA y no hay causa de inadmisiblidad En estos casos hay dos partes muy bien diferenciadas. Primero el Servicio de Inmigracià ³n y Naturalizacià ³n (USCIS, por sus siglas en inglà ©s) tiene que aprobar la peticià ³n I-130. Y una vez que lo hace envà ­a los papeles al Centro Nacional de Visas (NVC, por sus siglas en inglà ©s). A partir de aquà ­ todavà ­a el proceso se va a demorar unos meses ya que hay que ir entregando al NVC documentacià ³n segà ºn la va pidiendo.   Ademà ¡s, hay que pasar el examen mà ©dico y, finalmente acudir a la entrevista en la Embajada o Consulado. En este punto, algunos son mà ¡s rà ¡pidos que otros, ya que depende del nà ºmero de aplicaciones que tengan y de la cantidad de cà ³nsules destinados en ese puesto. No vender propiedades ni dejar el trabajo hasta que se tiene la aprobacià ³n de la visa de inmigrante. Una vez que se obtiene la aprobacià ³n, esto es, despuà ©s de la entrevista, se dispondrà ¡ de seis meses para ingresar a Estados Unidos. Una vez que se llega a un puerto de entrada migratorio (aeropuerto, puerto o frontera terrestre) un oficial de Inmigracià ³n sella el pasaporte y ese sello equivale a una green card hasta que se recibe una tarjeta fà ­sica por correo. Padre o madre fuera de Estados Unidos y hay causa de inadmisibilidad La tarjeta de residencia se puede negar por mà ¡s de 40 razones. Es lo que se conoce como causas de inadmisibilidad. En estos casos hay un problema que en ocasiones se podrà ¡ solucionar dejando pasar el tiempo o pidiendo y obteniendo un perdà ³n y habrà ¡ casos en los que no serà ¡ posible, a pesar de tener un hijo ciudadano. En muchas ocasiones el problema viene ocasionado por estancia ilegal en Estados Unidos que provoca el castigo de los 3 y de los 10 aà ±os  y/o deportacià ³n. En estos casos lo sensato es consultar con un abogado experto y sincero y analizar si se està ¡ en condiciones de solicitar con à ©xito un perdà ³n, que en algunos paà ­ses se conoce como permiso o waiver.  ¿Cà ³mo se miran los tiempos de procesamiento del USCIS? En esta pà ¡gina oficial se va hasta la parte inferior y se elige el centro de procesamiento que, segà ºn la carta que se recibià ³ del USCIS, es la encargada de decidir sobre el caso.   Elegir el Centro de Servicio correcto (Vermont, Texas, California o Nebraska) y hacer click. Se abre otra pà ¡gina y buscar el documento I-130, peticià ³n para pariente extranjero y buscar la opcià ³n adecuada: peticià ³n de un ciudadano de EE.UU para un cà ³nyuge, un padre o un nià ±o menor de 21 aà ±os. Y ahà ­ se ve el tiempo que se està ¡ demorando en tramitarse. En la actualidad està ¡ en torno a los cinco meses. Despuà ©s, si se ajusta el estatus, se procesa esa parte en otro centro (Oficina de Campo) y se verifica de igual manera cuà ¡nto se demora en esa misma pà ¡gina oficial. Recordar que el documento que hay que buscar es I-485 solicitud para registrar la residencia permanente o para ajustar el estado. Si, por el contrario, es un procedimiento consular, calcular entre otros cinco y siete meses, de media para finalizar el proceso. A dà ­a de hoy, aunque puede haber importantes diferencias segà ºn las oficinas de tramitacià ³n, el proceso de principio a fin deberà ­a tomar menos de un aà ±o. Entre los seis y los doce meses es una estimacià ³n razonable, que va a depender de los lugares de tramitacià ³n. A tener muy en cuenta en peticiones de ciudadanos para sus padres Ademà ¡s de tener 21 aà ±os, es necesario cumplir todos los demà ¡s requisitos para patrocinar, como por ejemplo, tener recursos econà ³micos suficientes. Asimismo, tener presente que en las peticiones del padre o de la madre no se puede incluir a los hermanos del solicitante. Por ejemplo, si un ciudadano pide a su mamà ¡, no puede aà ±adir en la misma planilla a un hijo de esa madre de ninguna edad. Para estas personas la solucià ³n es que el ciudadano realice otra peticià ³n para su hermano, que tarda mucho tiempo o que una vez que la mamà ¡ o el papà ¡ se conviertan en residentes, estos realicen una peticià ³n ese hijo/a. Y, finalmente, los ciudadanos americanos que obtuvieron originalmente sus papeles por medio del programa de Inmigrantes Especiales Juveniles no pueden jamà ¡s pedir los papeles para ninguno de sus padres.   Informacià ³n migratoria confiable Para resolver dudas e inquietudes lo mejor es estar informado directamente por el organismo oficial que lleva un asunto determinado. Para ello se ha recopilado esta lista de telà ©fonos y pà ¡ginas webs a los que acudir para resolver distintos problemas migratorios. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal.

Coercive Control And The Domestic Violence Context

Coercive Control in the Domestic Violence Context: Academically, Domestic violence is â€Å"the willful intimidation, physical assault, battery, sexual assault, and/or other abusive behavior as part of a systematic pattern of power and control perpetrated by one intimate partner against another. It includes physical violence, sexual violence, threats, and emotional or psychological abuse. The frequency and severity of domestic violence varies dramatically.† However, in Washington State Domestic Violence includes a more limited definition. In Washington State Domestic Violence is defined as (a) Physical harm, bodily injury, assault, or the infliction of fear of imminent physical harm, bodily injury or assault, between family or household members; (b) sexual assault of one family or household member by another; or (c) stalking as defined in RCW 9A.46.110 of one family or household member by another family or household member. This statutory definition is similar to that of many states in that it omits the â€Å"systematic pa ttern of power and control perpetrated by one intimate partner against the other† otherwise known as â€Å"coercive control.† The omission of this provision in the statutory language creates difficulty in obtaining domestic violence protection orders, when the victim cannot describe instances of physical violence, stalking, or sexual assault, yet lives in very real fear of their partner. In this literature review, I will analyze the phenomenon that is now known asShow MoreRelatedThe International Context Of Violence Against Women Essay1089 Words   |  5 Pagesforms, combinations and modes. This volume highlights various aspects of domestic violence, dowry, exploitation in various ways besides teen dating, sexual slavery, rape and various other aspects besides the role of police in curbing this evil as the pillars of administration. 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It farther underscores the various aspects of violence with a focus on various roles of women under different situations likeRead MorePrimary, Secondary, and Tertiary Nursing Care for Domestic Violence1427 Words   |  6 PagesRunning head: Nursing Interventions to Combating Domestic Violence Domestic Violence: Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Nursing Interventions Jason Holt, RN Grand Canyon University NRS429V Diana Anderson, RN, MSNEd, CMSRN August 27, 2010 Domestic Violence: Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Nursing Interventions Approximately 2 million American women are assaulted each year at the hands of their intimate partner and an estimated 1,200 are murdered as a result of intimate partner abuse (BlackRead MoreDomestic Violence And Sexual Violence3281 Words   |  14 Pagesappropriate definition of domestic violence is to clearly distinguish domestic violence from physical violence in general. Due to its nature, cases of domestic violence require specific treatment and perspective as it can be identified in many concealed forms and would not leave behind physical wounds. Therefore to know the types and forms of violence the victims have to face is crucial to develop a legal response. Walter (1969) gave a comprehensive definition of violence as â€Å"destructive harm includingRead MoreDomestic Violence and Children1640 Words   |  7 PagesDefinitions Domestic Violence Defined Citation: ARS: 13-3601 Domestic violence includes: • Any act that is a dangerous crime against children • Endangerment • Threatening or intimidating act • Assault • Custodial interference • Unlawful imprisonment or kidnaping • Criminal trespass • Harassment or stalking • Child or vulnerable adult abuse Persons Included in Definition: • A spouse or former spouse • Persons residing or having resided in the same household • Persons having a childRead MoreEssay on Moral Implications of the Battered Woman Syndrome3168 Words   |  13 Pages The Battered Woman Syndrome, like the Cycle Theory of Violence, helps to illuminate the situation of the person victimized by domestic violence. However, it may also contribute to the violence of the battering situation. 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Criteria specifies that an individual demonstrates significant deviation in behavior and life experience according to a person’s cultural norms in at least two of the following areas: impulse control, interpersonal functioning, affectivity, and cognition. Moreover, the disturbance must originate from at least adolescence, exhibiting a prolonged history of consistent indicators across a variety of life circumstances. This pattern is not attributedRea d MoreCurrent Environment Of Domestic Violence2249 Words   |  9 Pagesoverview of the current environment of domestic violence and its impact to the children and will promote some special awareness to the children in the domestic violence and helping them to understand the risk factors of this violence and their responses when this violence occurs. 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More Than I Bargained For free essay sample

In the beginning all I wanted was a research opportunity with adequate pay. The job I received gave me so much more. My job became a way of life. Here are the things I must tell you for the sake of the conversation: I interned at Columbia Presbyterian School of Physicians and Surgeons in Dr. Connollys Neurovascular Laboratory. Daily I was surrounded by a friendly group of residents, medical students, college kids, and high school students who were for the most part interested with neurosurgery. My lab group consisted of Alexander Sisti, a junior at Columbia University, Josh Chalif, of Dartmouth, and Steven Smith, from Tufts. Our project involved isolating DNA samples from the saliva samples of subarachnoid hemorrhage patients in order to analyze the DNA for a polymorphism that caused vasospasms or the excessive, inexplainable constrictions of cranial blood vessels after a stroke. I spent most of my time running PCRs and looking up journal articles for the review article the residents were writing. We will write a custom essay sample on More Than I Bargained For or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page In the end, I got the data I was looking for in the form of DNA sequencing charts and databases my group compiled. But if my experience at Columbia was limited to that, I doubt that I would have much to remember. I learned more from the people around me than I would have anticipated. I learned that medical school isnt so hard (supposedly). I learned the difference between a CT scan and a MRI. I learned how to eat flaming cheese. The people in my lab were more than just â€Å"bright† people. They had hearts and lives. Bart, a recent medical school graduate, gave the interns daily lectures on neurology, and cracked jokes hourly. Josh was teaching himself how to play the guitar, while trying to publish a book his girlfriend wrote. Alex introduced me to the works of Friedrich Nietzsche. Karl, an intern from Stuyvesant High School, played badminton with me after work. I remember my internship for the people. I remember my internship for the food. Everyday all the high school students and college kids ate lunch on the town. Without my buddies, perhaps I would have never tapped into the variety of restaurants surrounding the hospital. There was Dallas BBQ with its gigantic hot wings and Symposium, a Greek restaurant where we ordered two helpings of flaming cheese. We went everywhere from Tastys Deli to Lucky Jade House to El Presidente. Once while we were eating outdoors at Coogans Bar and Restaurant, a resident walked by and asked what the occasion was, to which Josh, nonplussed, replied, â€Å"Lunch.† I remember that our group was unable to get sequencing results for days on end. We amplified the DNA. We purified the DNA. We performed a gel electrophoresis in the hopes of seeing bands of DNA in the gel only to find none. Then the sequencing charts would come back from the sequencing lab as an indecipherable mess of squiggles. I learned how to troubleshoot a PCR but more so I learned how to not give up, to keep innovating strategies until success is in reach. In the words of Steve, â€Å"When God gives you lemons, you find a new god.† Science was important on the job. Every Wednesday, the residents, Brad, Zach and Andrew, would pretend us interns were radiologists and test us on identifying brain structures and abnormalities in scans. Yet, social skills were equally important. At the lab party, Alex, himself the son of a neurosurgeon working at Columbia, introduced me to my boss, Dr. Connolly, and his wife. We went from talking about the restaurant (Boat Basin) to the appetizers (thin slices of raw tuna) to Mrs. Connollys alma mater (Yale). Although, I loved the neurosurgery aspect of my internship, I appreciated the social aspect, because it helped me grow. I felt cultured. I felt alive. Between talking about cranial nerves with Bart to discussing Ayn Rand and the Olympics with Alex, how could I not? I did so much this summer. I gained experience in a field I actually want to go into. I wrote poetry. I played computer games with my friends. I came, I worked, I ate. I felt loved and appreciated. When I left, it was hard to say goodbye. A paycheck doesnt cover all the memories I have, no, not by a long shot.

To What Extent Is There Conflict Between Academic free essay sample

The substantial dissolution been academic and popular historians is evident in a range Of sources, essentially from Michelle Arrows to Herodotus and Discusses to Bury. Inaccuracies continue to plague populist histories, and as such those within the academic field continue to rebut their rivals with these flaws. They argue that these, as Margaret Conrad states, producers of historical films intentionally integrate inaccuracies in order to entertain their audience, rather than inform. Contrasting this view, modern historian Michelle Arrows argues that academic historians ignore TV and their [our] own peril.This viewpoint conveys the necessity of establishing a balance been academic historians and popular historians to, as Margaret Conrad believes, generate a dialogue with the public. Academic historians argue they present history as it actually was (enlightened historian Von Ranker). This is substantiated with their argument that they exclusively present history with full accuracy. It is this disagreement that enforces the considerable tension between academic and popular historians. We will write a custom essay sample on To What Extent Is There Conflict Between Academic or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Tension between academics and popular historians has been evident even ring the initial stages of history; between Herodotus and Discusses.Curtseys and Docked elucidate that Herodotus was part of the literary world, whilst Discusses was based on a rigorous scrutiny of sources. It is these two independent categories that fashion the meticulous argument to the extent to which history is fiction. Academic historians argue that their portrayal of history is accurate, and while the populist interpretation is not. Contrasting this argument, popular historians believe that while their interpretations may not convey history as completely factual, it is the only ay for history to survive for later generations.As British professor, Derek Matthews states, a inhale generation are losing interest in the subject. It is only through websites such as wisped and movies like Road to El-Dorado and Breather, that a contemporary audience can access, unintentionally, history. Other websites, such as ancestry. Com, appeal to the growing baby boomer generation who are, as Conrad state, interested in the history of their family. It is this division between the more inclusive history, and the less social history, that creates further separation between the academic and popular historians.The struggle between those who us port academics and those who favor populists, must also consider the mediums of communications they use. Academic historians utilities texts purely aimed at those who study the subjects. It is this reason that academics are slowly becoming less and less available to those who have, as European historian Nee states, the inner craving to learn about history. Contrasting this, as Conrad states produces of historical films, reach out to a wider audience. To which they able to effectively, as Conrad believes, communicate with their viewers.This ability to do so, allows popular historians to fulfill their duty of, as traditionalist Elton states, having his history read. For example, the National Museum of Australia, takes a post modern approach to portraying history. The museum believes in a pastiche and populist pathway, in which the history of all people is displayed. Its interactive viewpoint allows this museum to convey history in a way that would be more accessible to its audience. For example, patrons re given the opportunity to record their own history. However, academics, such as Keith Windcheater, assert that the AMA is a profound intellectual waste.He argues that although it displays accurate history, its purpose of entertaining its audience detracts from its value, thus creating waste. Although Windcheaters view may be extreme, it demonstrates the considerable extent to which the tension between academic and popular historians exist. As the hostility grows between both parties, historians must consider the factual disposition of their writings. Empiricist J. B. Bury stated that history is a science, nothing more, nothing less. The accurate connotations that science brings highlights the academics arguments.Although not completely a science, history integrates different forms of science, such as geology, in order to reach the objective truth (Evans). It is the assertion of history as a science to which academics believe their history is presented. To which, academics believe their rivals representation of history is inaccurate, and therefore invalid. Academic historians insistence to their own superiority may intend to their tension between popular historians. The dissolution evident between popular history and academic history is further strained by their position in society.Both academic and popular historians must consider their role with the community. As such, both have the commitment of interpreting history and portraying to their audience. Academic historians display history in a way that is considered outdated by many, and therefore disregarded. However, populists communicate their interpretations with a more dated view. Following, Michelle ArroWs argument, Astoria must disregard their differences and focus on their primary responsibility. Their role in society helps individuals to understand the nature of the society in which they live.By which, their message may become convoluted and confuse the, as Conrad states, general public. It is this primary aspect of their text that may dispel outside individuals from viewing their work, and therefore lessen those interested in history. This retrospective view may further emphasis the tension separating academic and popular historians. Although the divorce exists between popular history and academic historians, t is only through overlooking the flaws of both sides that they can ultimately achieve the main purpose of history: having his history read.